František Kostlán: Fischer for Czech President

Of those who have announced themselves as running for Czech President, Jan Fischer is, in my opinion, the best candidate. I have more than one reason for believing this, but the strongest reason is that Mr Fischer’s approach toward the need to uphold human rights and his stance on extremism really speak to me.

Jan Fischer kicked off his presidential campaign and was immediately attacked by those playing for other teams.The few critical reactions which might be described as independent of ideology or political party affiliation were unfortunately not enough to overcome the aftertaste of what the media has deluged the voters with. Fischer has been criticized for insipidity, for repeating banalities, for his lack of party affiliation, for his pre-1989 membership in the Czechoslovak Communist Party, for populism, for being supported by dubious figures, and for other “sins”.

Let’s start with the dubious figures. Some media outlets are reporting that Fischer is being supported by the entrepreneur Luděk Sekyra, on whose behalf “godfather” Mrázek and “godfather” Íčko Langr once interceded. Sekyra attended Fischer’s recent lecture in London together with the architect Eva Jiřičná. When asked by journalists why he was there, Sekyra said: “Jan Fischer is, in my opinion, a trustworthy candidate”.

I have not read anywhere – not even in the media outlets reporting on this “sin” – that Fischer knows Sekyra, that he is in personal contact with him, or that he will be accepting any support that might be offered by him. Only after determining that this really was the case would it be possible to express doubts – and I mean doubts, not attacks committed with the certainty of a gunslinger. To be certain that the presidential candidate is behaving strangely in this regard, a commentator would need to know that Fischer intends to collaborate with Sekyra despite being familiar with Sekyra’s past.

The same applies to Martin Barták’s alleged support for Fischer’s candidacy. According to the single report I found on this topic, Fischer reportedly does not understand what people have against Barták. In the interim cabinet which Fischer governed for several months, Barták was Defense Minister – but Fischer did not choose him. Barták was sent into government by the Civic Democrats (ODS). Fischer does not necessarily know him well. It would be worse if Fischer knew what the police have specifically blamed Barták for and if he were to vehemently stand up for him nonetheless – but the media are of course not researching what Fischer, who has been residing in Britain for some time, knows or does not know about this case.

The third allegedly controversial figure supporting Fischer is media magnate Jaromír Soukup. The media are reporting that Soukup is guilty of having supported several different political parties over time, which is a fearsome charge indeed. Reading between the lines, the implication is that Soukup’s support for political parties influences political affairs. However, such suspicions remain unexpressed for want of indications or proof. Soukup has said he wants to advise Fischer on how to maneuver in the waters of marketing and media, for free, without his agency or media outlets interfering in the presidential campaign.

We will wait to see how Jan Fischer acclimatizes upon returning home. At this moment it makes no sense to draw any conclusions from these matters, which are being spun to order.

Not only has Jan Fischer already apologized for his former membership in the Communist Party, of which he is ashamed, but he behaves as if he is aware it is a handicap. After 1989 he chose to engage in a political fast for quite some time. Unlike many other recent communists, including his current opponent, Vladimír Dlouhý, Fischer did not rush into any political functions. Prior to 1989, Dlouhý had been the deputy director and vice-chair of the Communist Party’s committee at the Academy of Sciences’ Institute for Prognostication. Given that all of the members of that Institute were vetted by the Central Committee of the Czechoslovak Communist Party (the party’s highest body in between conventions), both of Dlouhý’s posts were very high up in the party nomenclature. According to information published in Ladislav Bittman’s book “The KGB and Soviet Disinformation: An Insider’s View” (Czech title “Mezinárodní dezinformace”), such institutes for prognostication were established in the Soviet Union and its satellites on the orders of Yuri Andropov, the head of the KGB and Brezhnev’s successor.

Fischer did not enter politics until he was recently appointed Prime Minister of an interim government because the politicians were incapable of fulfilling the mandate they had received from the voters on their own. Had the opportunity not arisen, he might still be working at the Statistical Bureau to this day.

I cannot accept the idea that all members of the criminal organization that was the Czechoslovak Communist Party were themselves criminals. Even in a criminal regime, some of those upholding it behaved humanely – humans in an inhuman system, as Ephraim Kishon says. That applies doubly to the normalization era, which was significantly different from the 1950s as far as the degree of repression was concerned. I knew several party members who behaved well towards the people around them prior to 1989. Some of them helped others, even those persecuted by the regime. I also knew people who were never party members, but who were evidently marked by the Bolshevik way of thinking to such an extent that they unscrupulously turned other people in whenever they might benefit from it.

We cannot deny anyone their right to develop their opinions and their personality. There is no doubt that Jan Fischer has undergone just such a personal catharsis.

Fischer is also criticized for “populism”. He opposes clientelism and corruption, and he also says our country has not been completely robbed, because there are many skillful people here. I imagine populism differently – a politician loudly pandering to the voters regarding a formulated demand. Populists are, for example, Jiří Čunek or Ivana Řápková (and others), who have gotten into the cabinet and Parliament with their anti-Romani crusades. Compared to them, Jan Fischer is just calling things by their real names and – in a completely non-populist way – he is unafraid to do so even in a situation where events in this country, including the content of many media outlets, are being influenced by mafiosi behind the scenes. The manner and speed with which almost all of the mainstream media outlets have taken off against Fischer is more than enough evidence of that.

Fischer is the only politician in recent years who has never been afraid to say anti-populist things out loud. As Prime Minister he spoke out openly against intolerance and racism. He saw through to its conclusion an operation to disrupt right-wing extremists. While the politicians before and after him have just spoken empty words about the fight against extremism (if the issue ever got their attention at all), Fischer took action.

You shall know them by their deeds. For example, while former Interior Minister Ivan “Íčko” Langer (ODS) made a case for the dissolution of the Workers’ Party that was so weak it actually legitimized and strengthened them, under Fischer and former Interior Minister Martin Pecina a case was brought forward that led to the dissolution of the party. Verdicts against right-wing extremists then and later are a result of Fischer’s government.

Recently Fischer was the only Czech public figure to send greetings to Romani people on International Roma Day. Doing that in our country does not score you any political points – on the contrary. A populist does not do such things.

After the screening of the documentary “Darkened Democracy” (Zatemněná demokracie), directed by Oliver Malina-Morgenstern, which covers present-day extremism and 20th-century Nazism, then-Prime Minister Jan Fischer said the following: “It is good to show these things in their nakedness and horror. Nevertheless, I wish this film could never have been made, that the subject would never have existed.”

Because Fischer as Prime Minister was serious about his crusade against intolerance, racism, and violence, the extremist organization White Justice put him on their hit list. That is a group that has designed terrorist attacks on power plants and public transportation lines and planned the kidnapping of its enemies.

Jan Fischer has expressed the “10 Commandments” of his future presidency through these slogans:

• An honorable, respectful representation of the Czech Republic.

• Support for investment in the future through education and research.

• Support for a healthy environment for business and new jobs.

• Emphasis on the rule of law and on order in the public administration.

• The construction of an independent judiciary and reinforcement for constitutionality.

• Zero tolerance for bribery, clientelism, and waste.

• An end to the arrogance of power, an interest in citizens’ problems, and respect for senior citizens.

• Combating extremism in politics and violence in society.

• Active membership in the EU and as a good NATO ally.

• Emphasis on the best possible relations with our neighbors.

I don’t know of a single point here that I would disagree with. Naturally, 10 points are not enough to base an overall judgment on, and Fischer has also not spoken much of how he imagines he would execute his powers as president – whom he would appoint to the Czech National Bank, whom he would propose as Constitutional Court justices, whom he would pardon, which laws he would veto, how he would coordinate the forming of the cabinet, etc. – but he will certainly speak of those matters during his campaign.

I like Fischer’s helpfulness toward civil society and his openness. After carefully listening to his first speech as a candidate, I found him to be anything but insipid. He sticks to the point and his words can be believed. Unlike most Czech politicians today, he is trustworthy.

There is more than one good candidate running for president, others whom I also consider respectable. Why, then, have I chosen Jan Fischer? He has declared himself to be an independent candidate and he clearly sees that the left-right vision of the world is a false one. That applies doubly to the office of the president.

Compared to Fischer, Jiří Dienstbier is a party candidate. In office he might succumb to the wishes of his mother party, and he definitely would make ideological decisions – which President Václav Klaus has given us more than enough of, albeit on the other side of the political spectrum. However, the main reason I do not support Dienstbier for Czech president is that his departure from the Czech Social Democrats (ČSSD) would make room for the “godfather” wing of that party to take over.

In my opinion, Dienstbier would now serve better and benefit us all as chair of the ČSSD. There is no other figure in that party who would be able to pull it out of its current slump, raise it to a respectable European level, and transform it into a modern left-wing party. Of course, should Jiří Dienstbier make it into the second round of voting (against anyone but Jan Fischer), I would vote for him.

Foreign Minister Karel Schwarzenberg: I must say that I have the utmost respect for him as a person, but in my opinion he has failed as a politician. Recently it even seems that – in accordance with the hysterical outbursts of his fellow party member, Finance Minister Miroslav Kalousek – Schwarzenberg has been defending the “godfathers of his party” with all his strength. He is even willing to play judge to that end, declaring former Defense Minister Parkanová innocent, just as he ultimately defended Čunek or Jezerský, who made racist anti-Romani statements. Jezerský was a TOP 09 candidate, which is why Schwarzenberg, as party chair, felt an obligation to defend him, even though prior to Schwarzenberg’s entry into politics he had stood up for human rights. It is sad that a false sense of party loyalty is more important to him today than human rights are as a basic democratic value. Jezerský rewarded Schwarzenberg by winning the election and then going into a coalition with the Communists, which Schwarzenberg sorely disliked. Maybe this is all because Schwarzenberg considers this government’s “reforms” to be so important that everything else is simply beneath his notice. Who knows? In any event, he has completely bankrupted his prestige in politics.

Jan Švejnar has not yet said whether he will run. The other candidates are either not interesting or are unelectable in my opinion. Here I am thinking primarily of Vladimír Dlouhý (see my article [in Czech only] “Why Vladimír Dlouhý should not be President” at http://www.denikreferendum.cz/clanek/13467-proc-vladimir-dlouhy-nepatri-na-prazsky-hrad) or of Miloš Zeman. I’ll get to him next.