Ostalinda Maya Ovalle: The Myth of the Spanish Model of Roma Inclusion

“Things are different in Spain.” This is a common refrain when
discussing Roma integration in Europe. Spain is held up as a model,
and not just by media or government officials. Even some Roma
activists point to programs in the country as a way forward. But
this rosy picture ignores the historical and economic environment,
as well as the vital role of Romani families. As Spain’s economic
crisis and its effects take root, it’s time to break this myth.

Look at education. Spain receives high marks for enrolling Roma
children into primary school but performs terribly when it comes to
higher education. Only five percent of Roma students complete upper-secondary
education—a statistic that is even more shocking when you consider
that
Spain is significantly behind less-developed European countries [PDF] like
Czech Republic (30 percent), Hungary (22 percent), Romania (10
percent), or Bulgaria (nine percent). Roma students aren’t in the
classrooms, and their history isn’t in textbooks: 500 years of Roma
contributions to Spain fails to merit a single mention in school
history books.

Although negative attitudes toward Roma might be higher in other
countries, the Roma remain the most despised minority in Spain: 40
percent of the population would be disturbed if they had a Romani
neighbor, and 25 percent would not allow their children to attend
school with Romani students. This deep suspicion and mistrust
carries over to the streets. Roma are 10 times more likely to be
stopped by police for identification than those of a Caucasian
appearance..

In contrast with Roma in Central and Eastern Europe, Spanish Roma
are not an officially recognized ethnic minority in the country, and
Roma civil society is for the most part in a pitiful state. After
decades of state-funded service provisions through nongovernmental
organizations, the much-needed voice of Roma organizations has been
reduced to a mere whisper. A growing number of Roma university
graduates find no incentive in engaging with the work of civil
society.

Of course, there has been progress. But the myth of the “Spanish
Roma inclusion model” blinds us to the most important point. It was
not Roma-specific policies—like the 1989 Spanish Development Program
or the Fundacion Secretariado Gitano’s
ACCEDER employment program—that contributed the most to
inclusion, but rather developments in Spain that had nothing to do
with Roma.

In the transition from Franco’s dictatorship to democracy, the
new Spanish constitution banned discrimination on ethnic or other
grounds. Subsequently, new legislation was passed to repeal still
existing discriminatory provisions towards Roma. Roma—along other
excluded groups—now had the institutional backing to legally defend
themselves and advance some of their rights as equal citizens.

In the 1980s Spain adopted a number of welfare policies such as
universal health care coverage, compulsory basic education, and
social housing designed to uplift the bottom layers of the society.
After centuries of persecution and discrimination Spanish Roma found
themselves living in a country that wanted to help all of its
underprivileged. The welfare state helped to reduce mortality rates,
increased life expectancy, improved levels of basic education, and
gave hope to all Spanish citizens. This is single-handedly what has
made the greatest difference for Spanish Roma.

During the late ’90s, until 2006, Spain benefited from a growing
economy which reduced unemployment and improved living conditions
for all. Roma also benefited from the economic boom, as they suffer
today from the general economic downturn.

The final element which contributed to changes experienced by the
Spanish Roma is hardly ever mentioned: the hard work and sacrifice
that Romani families put towards making the most of the available
opportunities. These are the families that opened the way for a Roma
middle class in Spain. We are the children of people who, despite
tremendous obstacles and discrimination, managed to improve their
lives.

One of us, Ostalinda, is the daughter of world-renowned Flamenco
dancer Mario Maya. Ostalinda’s father comes from a very modest
background. He was raised in a cave without running water or
electricity. His personal journey is one of hard work and sacrifice
to secure a better upbringing for his three children. It was thanks
to his perseverance and encouragement that Ostalinda managed to
pursue her academic studies. With two degrees in anthropology and
law, she has been working to defend the rights of Roma across Europe.

People like us are not the majority among Roma but we are a
growing minority. We owe what we have and what we are to the hard
work of our Romani parents and grandparents and not to projects done
in the name of Roma.

The Spanish experience demonstrates that Roma projects alone
cannot make a difference. The social distance between Roma and
everyone else remains and can grow even bigger in a period of
economic and social crisis. Roma-specific projects are only useful
and sustainable if governments change the way they support all
people, especially in the domain of equality, welfare provision, and
economic development. This way everyone can get a chance. When real
opportunity is provided to all, Roma in Spain are the living example
that it can work.

Source:

http://www.opensocietyfoundations.org/voices/myth-spanish-model-roma-inclusion

This article was originally published in the Spanish newspaper
El Mundo.